We remember: KL Warschau (19/07/1943 – 01/08/1944)

"We burned house after house. Only a stone and brick desert remained," Jürgen Stroop consciously, after the fact, said to Kazimierz Moczarski. [11] History – the place and life of the Jewish population – lay in ruins. It was replaced by a present tinged with temporariness. The future was to be located in a new, very different space. The road to it led through KL Warschau. The words of the "executioner of the Warsaw Ghetto" could be treated as an epitaph for that part of Warsaw previously known as the "Jewish quarter," were it not for facts stemming from German pragmatism, fueled by the desire to profit from the plunder of what remained of Jewish property. But not only that. Officially, Stroop planned to "extract, collect, and utilize millions of bricks, scrap iron, and other materials." [10; 821] Franz Konrad, known as the "king of the ghetto," collaborated with him. He stated that the overarching goal was to raze to the ground everything that remained of the "closed district": "The ghetto is to be demolished, and a park and green space built there. The rubble recovered from the burned city was to be used to fill the basements and level the height differences." [4; 72-73] However, there was another hidden goal in the Germans' actions: as perpetrators, aware of their actions, they intended to erase all traces of them. They had experience in this. After all, they were doing the same thing in the extermination camps in Treblinka, Bełżec, and Sobibór. Beyond these very "practical" goals, the Germans – perhaps tainted by a lust for profit – considered the mythical Jewish wealth hidden in the ghetto ruins to be the most valuable "product." Imagined money, gold, diamonds.

The occupiers intended to implement their plans after the end of the so-called Grossaktion [22 July – 21 September 1942]. In the autumn of 1942, Heinrich Himmler ordered that "military production plants and all Jews working there" be grouped in concentration camps in Warsaw and Lublin. In the winter of 1943, he ordered that "all private plants in the ghetto be incorporated into the concentration camp." [10; 821] Such decisions served to create an "enterprise" directly subordinate to the SS and profiting from the labor of prisoners. The beginning of the Warsaw concentration camp is considered to be July 19, 1943, when a transport of approximately 300 German prisoners arrived in the former ghetto area: "Almost all of them wore green triangles, meaning 'professional criminals', who had been brought here from Buchenwald to drive Jews to work." [1; 7] Jewish prisoners – nearly four thousand in number – were brought from Auschwitz concentration camp over the course of the following months of that year. They came from many European countries: Austria, the Netherlands, Greece, France, and Germany. Polish Jews were also present. The last transport – of Hungarian Jews – reached KL Warschau in the spring of 1944. It is estimated that a total of almost eight thousand Jews passed through the camp. How many of them died is unknown… KL Warschau existed from July 19, 1943, to August 1, 1944. On the day the Warsaw Uprising broke out, the camp held approximately 350 Jewish prisoners. The rest had previously been expelled to concentration camps west of Warsaw. [2; 3 and 3; 8 and 7; 5. Also: 8; 53]

Daily life in the Warsaw Concentration Camp was not exceptional. What remains? Symbols etched in the memories of those who, despite unfavorable conditions, survived. Fragments of a drama directed by the Germans…

"The camp consisted of rows of wooden barracks, painted green," reported Tadeusz Zuchowicz, codename Marek, who served in the Home Army in the "Zośka" Battalion. "It was surrounded by a high concrete wall with watchtowers and machine guns. A heavy iron gate was the only entrance to the camp." [6; 2] The wall separated the camp from the former ghetto "dead land." The deathly silence was interrupted by the sounds of executions carried out on Zamenhofa, Nowolipka, and Dzielna streets: victims of KL Warschau, Pawiak, the Gestapo, and roundups of Warsaw residents. Those hiding in former ghetto basements or bunkers under the rubble were also murdered. [8; 227-228. Also: 9; 363 – 364]

"The entire area," said Dawid Icchak Mehl, "was permeated with the smell of burned bodies and bones of the victims." These were the corpses of those shot, those dying at "work," and those dying of exhaustion. The "corpse commando" transported them to 45 Gęsia Street: "There, piles were arranged: a layer of wood, a layer of people, and set on fire." [2; 7 – 8] Often, those in the commando became the last victims: "While the piles of corpses were burning, I saw SS men from the Gęsiówka camp last shooting Jewish prisoners." [8; 60 – 62] It was common practice – in accordance with the directives of the "king of the ghetto" – to send "redundant" people to be "gassed to Auschwitz": "I could no longer work with these Jews because the work was too hard for them because of their physical build." [4; 74]

From its inception to its very end, KL Warschau was a corruption-prone camp. Therefore, in May 1944, KL Majdanek became subordinate to it. The supervisory forces were also replaced. This changed little. Both the Germans and the ethnic services subordinated to them capitalized on human tragedy until the very end, as prisoners struggled to stay alive. They attempted – illegally – to exchange "treasures" found in the ruins for food. Often, such acts came at the ultimate price: "SS men shot two prisoners because one of them found and hid a piece of soap in his striped uniform, and the other some other item." [8; 228]

"The SS doctor looked into each of our mouths to see how many gold teeth each of us had," recalled one prisoner of the first procedures to which Jews transported from Auschwitz in November 1943 were subjected. He quickly realized that such procedures were standard practice in this new destination. Perhaps the Germans were "valuing" the prisoners? Until the end of 1943, he recalled, those who failed to survive were treated as objects: "After the bodies were inventoried and their mouths were inspected, their gold and platinum teeth were extracted." [2; 7 – 8] From the beginning of 1944, this procedure was "corrected." Felicjan Loth, a Polish doctor and prisoner of Pawiak who worked several hours a day in KL Warschau in a "parody of an infirmary," recounted the rumours circulating in the camp at the time: "The concentration camp commandant and two policemen search for prisoners possessing large quantities of gold crowns and bridges and kill them under the pretext of escaping, after which they knock out their gold teeth with hammers." Those who managed to reach Loth confirmed the facts: "This practice is increasing day by day." [8; 226] Therefore, they asked him to deprive them of what the possession of which was punishable by death.

Camp life was dominated by hunger, infectious diseases, slave labor, and merciless treatment of prisoners. It began and ended with roll calls: early in the morning and late in the afternoon. They lasted up to two hours. However, there were cases when camp authorities prevented prisoners from living after so-called "work." This is what happened in January 1944: "During the evening roll call, two people were missing. We stood at 'rest' for exactly six hours," said Oskar Paserman. "Eighteen people died of cold. It turned out that two of the missing people had died in the sick bay, but they had forgotten to report their deaths." [1; 11]

Sanitary conditions were hopeless: "We had millions, no, billions of lice. Everything we ate was full of them, our blankets moved on their own. Our bellies were completely bitten. We were given no opportunity to wash." This had to have consequences – in the winter, typhus took over the camp, followed shortly by scabies. At that time, isolated prisoners were kept in closed barracks: "Dozens died every day." [1; 10. Also: 2; 7] Only when the SS men also succumbed to the infection did the camp authorities take preventive measures. To no avail. In the spring of 1944, more Polish and German civilians worked in the camp than Jewish prisoners.

While the production plants located in the ghetto until then were sent to KL Majdanek, the prisoners of KL Warschau were primarily used to "clean the ghetto": "We blew up the walls of houses that were not yet completely destroyed with dynamite, or we had to climb high up and use tools to demolish the walls." [2; 8 – 9] Death was everywhere: "It stank of bodies that were still lying in the bunkers and ruins," recalled Paserman. "I saw the bodies of women, men, and children who had died of hunger." [1; 7]

"The SS are coming" – these were the last words of a young woman written in early May 1943 – "it's the end." For the following months, the diary lay on the floor of the bunker, where the nameless author lived out the end of her days. In the autumn, it was found by people from the "searchers' commando." It belonged to Alois Eisenhendler: "It was written entirely in pencil, but the last sentence – I remember it very well – in blood." For the "finders" it was evidence of what had happened in the ghetto a few months earlier: "We considered it a relic and hid it from the prying eye." [5; 4] Perhaps this very document fell into the hands of Estera Oryt, who, under false papers – as a Polish woman, Czesława Glaser – was then working in a laundry near KL Warschau? "One time the "searchers" brought me a diary they had found in the bunker on ul. "Miła," she said years later, "Written by a young girl during the uprising." [2; 8]

"On Pawia Street, in a four-story house," testified Paserman, who had been drafted into the "search commando," "only a small room remained, like a remnant of life glued to it." On the orders of the SS officers supervising the prisoners' activities, they placed a ladder next to this ruin to then inspect the room. The Germans were disappointed, as there were only the bodies of young people: a woman and a man. Robinson Crusoes. She was unconscious, he was already dead: "The girl was shot." [1; 8] The bodies were taken away by the "corpse commando."

"Whoever finds the valuables," declared a Gestapo officer, "will be freed." The action unfolded at the intersection of Dzielna and Karmelicka Streets. Perhaps the victim, who had just been tortured on Szucha Avenue, had believed it? Soon, the Gestapo arrived. They brought thirty prisoners from the Warsaw Concentration Camp. For the Germans, the game had just begun—with human lives. For the Jews, too—the game of life. The risk was great. Hope overcame fear. Perhaps because the prisoners knew that each day could be their last?… A Gestapo officer tossed a coin. Whoever grabbed it soon set out to search for the hidden treasure. There were no more stairs. His fellow prisoners used ropes to pull him to the top floor of what remained of the building. In one of the few surviving rooms, he found a box containing valuables. After descending, he handed it over to a Gestapo officer. He checked it and gave the order: "Come, you will be freed." When the prisoner appeared before him, he acted without unnecessary words: "He took out his gun and shot him on the spot." [8; 228 – 229] A Polish woman who was present at the event – ​​a witness to the event – ​​saw in the German's eyes the ruthlessness with which he fulfilled his "promise."

There would be as many such fragments as the people sentenced to imprisonment, slave labor, and often death. If they survived. The fragments perished with them. Only a few survived. KL Warschau existed for just over twelve months. It is estimated that its total victims were around 20 people: Poles and Jews. For the Germans, these were just numbers. However, in their reports, they reported with satisfaction the tangible benefits: "Over 30 million bricks, 6 tons of scrap iron, and over 800 tons of non-ferrous metals were recovered." [10; 824] There was not enough space for information about the looting. Nor about the victims.

After the war, the image of KL Warschau was repressed from the collective consciousness. This was likely partly because its former Jewish residents, including Warsaw residents, were no longer present in this part of Warsaw. It's worth remembering this, even though the former Jewish buildings are gone. Yet, the new houses, squares, and streets, along with the people who lived there, are located within a land soaked in Jewish and Polish blood…

Dr. Paweł Wieczorek

Źródła:

1. AŻIH, 301/2919, Oskar Paserman's Accounts;
2. AŻIH, 301/3352, Accounts of David Icchak Mehl;
3. AŻIH, 301/5015, Accounts of Czesława Glaser (Estera Oryt);
4. AŻIH, 301/5034, Accounts of Franz Konrad;
5. AŻIH, 301/5422, Accounts of Alois Eisenhendler;
6. AŻIH, 301/5678, Accounts of Tadeusz Zuchowicz, pseudonym Marek;
7. AŻIH, 301/5946, Accounts of Marian Słuchowski;
8. Cock, Konzentrationslager Warschau. History and aftermath, Warsaw 2007;
9. Wachsmann, History of Nazi concentration camps, Warsaw 2016;
10. Engelking, J. Leociak, The Warsaw Ghetto: A Guide to a Lost City, Warsaw 2013;
11. Zimmerman, The bloody executioner from the ghetto. He called God Wotan., [in:] onet.pl, 05/03/2012, access: 07/07/2020.

Paweł Wieczorek – PhD in Humanities. Specialization: contemporary history. Collaborations: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, the Jewish Historical Institute, and the Jewish Social and Cultural Association in Poland. Winner of the Jewish Historical Institute's M. Bałaban competition for the best doctoral dissertation (2014). Participant in the international research project "Pogroms against Jews in Polish Lands in the 19th and 20th Centuries" (2013-2016). Author of articles and books. Research interests: Polish-Jewish relations after 1945, Jewish social and political movements, national and ethnic minorities in Poland, the Cold War, totalitarianism.

Photo: Barracks and watchtowers of KL Warschau. Photo taken after the camp was captured by soldiers of the "Zośka" battalion (public domain)