Not all roads led to the Hotel Polski

Rumors about "foreign papers" were spread among Warsaw Jews long before the final liquidation of the "closed district" in the first half of 1943: " It was known that the holders of such papers were separated from the rest of the Jews and taken to Pawiak for safety before the announcement of the memorable "deportation" on July 22, 1942. " At the turn of December 1942 and January 1943, they were transported to Vittel. Few ghetto Jews lived to see the arrival of the documents necessary for survival. Most of them fell victim to the murders in Treblinka. Their documents – like "dead souls" – remained. [19;763-764. Also:23] " Since these people are no longer there," commented Franciszka Grunberg , "others are taken in their place ." [15;269. Also: 5;8-9]

Since the "papers" existed, it was fitting to use them. It was all like a game. Perhaps initiated by Jewish collaborators, certainly with the knowledge and control of the Gestapo, and likely with considerable support from the Poles. Everyone had a hand in it. Through illegal means, they could earn considerable money, and at the same time—and completely legally—carry out the mandate imposed from above: to make Warsaw Judenfrei. In this entire arrangement, only the Jewish population was treated as an object…

The "papers" case began in mid-April. Beniamin Horowitz recalled how, on the eve of the uprising, " Jews who had acquired foreign passports were released to the Hotel Polski ." [13;218. Also: 6;23] Their transport—nearly seventy Jews—set off on May 18, 1943, for Vittel. Such an event—when hundreds of people were losing their lives day after day in the burning ghetto—must have caused news of the chances of survival to spread rapidly throughout Warsaw. Reports first focused on the Hotel Royal at 31 Chmielna Street. Those who could afford "emigration papers" were staying there. However, it quickly became clear how many people were eager to obtain such "papers." The previous place of "internment" was changed to the much larger "Hotel Polski" at 29 Długa Street.

The first decade of July was drawing to a close when, early in the afternoon, a young boy uttered these words: " I saw a thousand happy Jews! " He said them shortly after meeting a boy his age at the front of the Hotel Polski. For a brief moment, he likely felt like witnessing a miracle – the existence of a world other than the one he had known before. In it, there was no need to hide one's identity. The absence of a Star of David armband meant no death. There was no need to cover one's face or hide one's gaze. Perhaps that was why, in the voice of a nervous child, he emphasized: " They're going abroad, maybe even to America? We can still leave! " [15;268-269]

The boy's name was Ryszard. He left the ghetto in January 1943. His father, Stefan, joined him in March. In April, just before the outbreak of the uprising, his mother, Franciszka, joined them. They found shelter with Poles. They remained in a different world: with memories of the so-called Grossaktion, the residual ghetto, and the uprising. With the experience "gained" after the attack by Polish blackmailers and with the awareness of the weeks-long campaign against all who found refuge on the "Aryan" side of Warsaw: " We lived in constant fear ." Perhaps the awareness of the threats caused them to initially treat their son's words with disbelief as he returned to his hiding place, only to soon seriously consider going to the Hotel Polski? After all, " a thousand happy Jews " were staying there...

The "case" was underway – a Pole was providing "help." He handled the formalities (acquiring the necessary documents for "emigration") and reinforced their belief that they had made the right decision. The wife of a Jewish collaborator and Gestapo associate was supposed to guarantee their safety. She was waiting for their departure to Vittel. The intermediary explained: " If he [Adam Żurawin – author's note] had even suspected foul play, he wouldn't have sent his wife ." [15;271] All they needed was money. The Grunbergs gave up all their possessions and in return received documents bearing the name of a well-known Jewish lawyer from the interwar period: " We were delighted to see that name. We knew the person had been in America for a long time, so we were certain that one of their friends had sent him the documents for the trip. This name gave us the certainty that everything could be a sure thing, the whole trip, and our moods improved ." [15;272]

The Grunbergs were well on their way, first to the Hotel Polski and then to South America. Until it was time to leave. A Polish intermediary arrived and announced: " The departure is tomorrow. You must take a carriage to the Gestapo on Szucha Street yourself. The list of those leaving is there ." Such instructions caused shock. Franciszka recounted her first impressions: " We looked at each other like condemned men standing at the gallows and seeing the noose intended for them ." The consequence could have been doubt: " It's so strange to go alone to the Gestapo. What a sight. Three Jews with luggage pull up to the Gestapo and report: 'We are here, we are here.' Isn't that grotesque? " [15;274]

The plans never materialized. The intermediary met with the Grunberg family the day after the last group of several hundred registered "foreigners" and, equally, Jews "without papers" were sent to Pawiak Prison (July 13th), and the day before their mass murder (July 15th). He collected their documents but did not return the money. He explained that the current situation prevented this: the danger of betraying members of the network – like himself – who were helping Jews, his ties to the German services, and his obligations to other intermediaries. He promised to contact them as soon as the situation improved. However, this turned out to be their last meeting. Perhaps that's why the Grunbergs survived? The events they witnessed unfolded over a period of less than 12-13 weeks. They reached the "Aryan" part of Warsaw while the Ghetto Uprising was underway. Simultaneously, a very different world was being created. This was the one young Ryszard Grunberg encountered. Many – both among those fighting and those who managed to escape the burning ghetto – knew of its existence. It attracted everyone…

At the turn of June and July 1943, the last insurgents were leaving the ruins of the ghetto through the sewers. Thanks to the sacrifice of people like Hersz (?) Szladkowski, who not only managed to escape from the train taking him to Majdanek but also returned to Warsaw to help his compatriots. He led them through the sewers to the "Aryan" side several times. This was the case in the first days of July. The rescued Jews were then supposed to reach the Hotel Polski. However, they abandoned this idea. Whether they were driven by fear – justified by their experiences in the ghetto combined with distrust of the occupier – or by the desire to continue fighting – is unknown. They found refuge among Polish acquaintances. [16;140-141] The one who saved them, Hersz (?) Szladkowski, died in November in Auschwitz. Of those led away, some fell victim to blackmailers. Others, a little later, perished in the Warsaw Uprising. All lost their lives. But otherwise…

Yosef Klugerman arrived at the Hotel Polski at the end of June. He had purchased passports for himself and his family to a South American country. " See you in Vittel! " he said to an acquaintance on the eve of his departure for a "transit camp" in occupied France. Whether he believed that everything—as the organizers of such an "emigration" had promised—would end happily remains unknown. The family disappeared without a trace, only not in Vittel, but in Auschwitz. The acquaintance he was saying goodbye to was David Goetz. For several hours, he had been staying with his young daughter at 29 Długa Street. He was waiting for his wife, Sophia, who had been hiding in Milanówek for almost a year. She arrived two days before the transport. Only this time, the "emigrants'" route led near Hanover, to Bergen-Belsen. [18;172-185. Also: 14;69-71,101-102] This family survived both the camp and the war. Perhaps because they were put on the cheapest emigration list for Palestine at the Hotel Polski? They eventually arrived there, but only after the war.

Helena Rufeisen-Schupper, a ŻOB liaison, had to travel a similar route when she left the ghetto on Mordechai Anielewicz's orders. She too ended up at the Hotel Polski. [17;127-128] This was partly due to support from the Jewish underground, and perhaps also due to the actions of Jewish collaborators. For the latter, the assistance provided to several ŻOB members may have been a form of "insurance" against accusations of collaboration with the Gestapo in the indefinite postwar future. Symcha and Nadzia Motyl also received a certificate for Palestine. [24] All were called fourth-class passengers, as Palestinian "emigration papers" were considered the least valuable.

Szepsel Rotholz, the Polish boxing champion between the wars, spent the occupation period first in the ghetto as an officer of the Jewish Order Service, and during the so-called Grossaktion, he fled to the "Aryan side." He, too, found—briefly—shelter in the Hotel Polski. He purchased the necessary documents, though he distrusted the assurances of the "impresario of 'going abroad,'" collaborator Leon "Lolek" Skossowski. This is probably why, while preparations were underway for the final, third transport, he hid with several others in the hotel attic: " We lay there for about four hours. We could hear various screams below us, the cries of people being loaded onto trucks . [Then] there was silence, which told us they had surely already left ." [7;14-15] He survived not only the Hotel Polski but also the Warsaw Uprising and the war...

Jerzy Himmelblau was a street vendor, sometimes a petty thief. His appearance saved him. However, when he ran out of money on the "Aryan" side, guided by rumors of a chance for survival, he and his family went to the Hotel Polski: " We had no papers. We lived there for nothing ." On July 13, the Germans threw him and his brother out of the hotel, assuming they were Poles. He – a moment later – endured the sight of his loved ones being taken to Pawiak. His younger brother did not: " He burst into tears and jumped in front of the car. The driver stopped, his brother jumped onto the stairs, a gendarme grabbed him and threw him up ." [3;21-22] His loved ones died, he survived...

Adina Blady-Szwajger refused to be convinced that the center at 29 Długa Street in Warsaw in 1943 was the only certain place of survival. But she accompanied her husband, Stefan, there. The sight was incredible: " The women dressed in their best clothes, there was a café on site, you could drink coffee. Everyone drank it ." Years later, she recalled: " It was a foretaste of freedom ." It will remain a mystery whether she yielded to his will that day, or whether he yielded more to his hopes. Perhaps he couldn't bear the existence in hiding and the constant fear of becoming a victim of blackmailers? Perhaps he did everything consciously: he wanted to end his life not like a hunted animal, but like a person who, even for a moment, feels its taste? Perhaps he acted instinctively? They spent their last moments in the hotel together. When the time came to leave, he said: " I won't say goodbye to you so as not to jinx our meeting after the war ." [22;220-222] Adina Blady-Szwajger survived. Her husband died... Did he have to? Marek Edelman spoke of such people: " They went, although in reality, probably only a few believed in the miracle at the Hotel Polski ." And he used a very different, very similar example: " Our boy also went, even though we begged him: don't go, or they'll kill you. He was hiding in a factory that accidentally burned down. Then he broke down and lost his nerve ." [21;196-197] The boy died... Was it intentional?

Years after the Holocaust, those who witnessed the events surrounding the Hotel Polski expressed very harsh judgments of those who arrived there. Jarosław Litwinowicz (who helped many Jewish acquaintances during the war) emphasized in his testimony: " The entire story of releasing Jews with foreign citizenship from the ghetto was invented by the Germans to extract hidden dollars and jewelry from the Jews, which served as ransom for their release ." [9;6] Dwojra Szczucińska treated the Hotel Polski case with equal criticism, saying: " The Germans, acting in favor of the survivors, sold citizenships and thus took in the naive ." [1;4] Are such judgments justified if they are supposed to refer to people's feelings and behavior at a time when they themselves were treated as objects, and their lives as a coincidence and chance?

From mid-July 1943, the Hotel Polski ceased to serve as a place of internment for Jews. Henryk Rudnicki wrote about this in his diary: " The end of the affair passed without much repercussion. People's minds were occupied with propaganda about Katyn, the Allied landings in Sicily, or the Soviet-German fighting near Kharkov. If anyone spoke of the Hotel, it was only to lament the stupidity and naivety of the Jews. No one delved into the reasons for this 'naivety' ." [11;49] He spared no words – he was harsh in his assessment of Jews. Perhaps by accident, he failed to mention that he had been at the Hotel on July 13, 1943. He had been saved by Poles...

Why, within a dozen or so weeks, did so many people who " had all the resources to survive: appearance, material conditions, and the so-called equipment, i.e., work in various posts (railway, post office, fire brigade) and had the ability to survive the period of German barbarism ," succumb to temptation and go to the Hotel Polski? [1;4] Did they have to? Since, once there, tragic information quickly began to reach them. It indicated that the "emigration" was a fiction: " A card from a woman arrived from Hanover, written to friends using a pre-arranged slogan, exposing the entire enormity of the scandal, namely, the sentence 'things are going very well for us' meant to spell the group's destruction ." [1;4] And yet they continued to stay there...

It is estimated that in mid-1943, approximately 25–30 Jews were hiding in the "Aryan" part of Warsaw. Within a few weeks – from April to July of that year – approximately 10 percent of them decided to reveal their presence in the " secret city ." They reported to the Hotel Polski. It quickly turned out, contrary to official assurances and unofficial guarantees (backed by large sums of money), that all of the first two groups of "emigrants" were first sent to so-called transit camps (Vittel, Bergen–Belsen), only to end their lives at the Auschwitz–Birkenau concentration camp. Between 1943 and 1944, over two thousand prisoners were exterminated there.

The tragedy of the last, third group of "emigrants" unfolded first, in mid-July. Let the last – Polish witnesses – tell the story: " Well-dressed women and men, with elegant luggage. Everything was prepared for a luxurious departure to distant lands ," wrote Rudolf Sawicki. " Indeed, the country to which the Germans had taken the 'Americans' was far away. To Pawiak ." [4;3-4. Also: 8;22-23] Almost all were shot. Roman Kuciński saw the victims moments before their execution. He was shocked: " Everyone behaved calmly and with great dignity. I didn't hear any cries of despair, calls for mercy or rescue ." [10;2-4] Groups of several people were led out near Pawiak, to Dzielna Street 27. First, they were ordered to undress, and moments later, they were shot. " After the execution, the victims were burned on the spot on the same day," reported Stanisław Wróblewski. "They were laid out in alternating layers of people and planks, doused with gasoline and set on fire ." [2;2]

Fewer than three hundred people survived the Hotel Polski affair. The answer to the question: many or few, will likely remain forever open…

Dr. Paweł Wieczorek

Sources and bibliography:

1. AŻIH, file no. 301/2, Accounts of Dwojra Szczucińska;

2. AŻIH, file no. 301/576, Accounts of Stanisław Wróblewski;

3. AŻIH, file no. 301/3073, Accounts of Jerzy Himelblau;

4. AŻIH, file no. 301/3074, Accounts of Rudolf Sawicki;

5. AŻIH, file no. 301/4424, Accounts of Leon Bukowiński;

6. AŻIH, file no. 301/4492, Accounts of Judyta Truskier;

7. AŻIH, file no. 301/4659, Szepsel Rotholz's Accounts;

8. AŻIH, file no. 301/5941, Accounts of Maria Rajcher;

9. AŻIH, file no. 301/6272, Accounts of Jarosław Litwinowicz;

10. AŻIH, file no. 301/7175, Accounts of Roman Kuciński;

11. AŻIH, file no. 302/49, Henryk Rudnicki: History of martyrdom and extermination of the Warsaw Ghetto anno domini 1942 ;

12. AŻIH, file reference number 302/97, Accounts of Franciszka Grunberg;

13. AŻIH, file reference number 302/121, Beniamin Horowitz: Resettlement to the afterlife ;

14. AŻIH, ref. 302/231, Sophie Goetzel – Leviathan, Der Krieg von innen ;

15. Memoirs from the Warsaw Ghetto. Fragments and Registry , Warsaw 1988;

16. L. Najberg, The Last Ghetto Insurgents , Warsaw 1993;

17. H. Rufeisen – Schupper, Farewell to Miła 18. Memoirs of a ŻOB liaison officer , Kraków 1996;

18. D. Gilbert, No place to run , London 2002;

19. A. Haska, "I am a Jew, I want to enter." Hotel Polski w Warszawie 194 3, Warsaw 2006;

20. GS Paulsson, The Hidden City. Jews on the Aryan Side of Warsaw (1940–1945 ), Kraków 2007;

21. W. Bereś, K. Burnetko, Marek Edelman. Life. Simply , Warsaw 2008;

22. A. Blady – Brother-in-law, And I don't remember anything more, 2010;

23. B. Engelking, D. Libionka, The Warsaw Ghetto. A Guide to a Non-Existent City , Warsaw 2013;

24. J. Podgórska, For the surviving Jews this place was like a miracle , [in:] Polityka, July 7, 1915;

25. JD Zimmerman, The Polish Underground State and the Jews, Warsaw 2018;

Also: http://getto.pl/

Prepared by Anna Kilian

Paweł Wieczorek – PhD in Humanities. Specialization: contemporary history. Collaborations: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, the Jewish Historical Institute, and the Jewish Social and Cultural Association in Poland. Winner of the Jewish Historical Institute's M. Bałaban competition for the best doctoral dissertation (2014). Participant in the international research project "Pogroms against Jews in Polish Lands in the 19th and 20th Centuries" (2013-2016). Author of articles and books. Research interests: Polish-Jewish relations after 1945, Jewish social and political movements, national and ethnic minorities in Poland, the Cold War, totalitarianism.

Photo: public domain