The first documents attesting to the presence of Jews in Radom date back to 1567. In 1724, the city received the de non tolerandis Judaeis privilege . Under this privilege, Jews formally lost the right to reside in Radom. In practice, however, this prohibition was not strictly observed.
At the end of the 18th century, Jews lived in a designated area under the control of the starost, a royal official, rather than the city authorities. At that time, it was still outside the city walls. However, it was there – on Wałowa Street and its surroundings – that a Jewish quarter began to form. The community's size can be estimated at over 100 people.
Restrictions on settlement were finally lifted in the 1860s. By that time, over 2,700 Jews lived in Radom. Although most of them engaged in small-scale trade or crafts, members of the Jewish community were also among the owners of Radom's first industrial plants.
After Poland regained independence, the Jewish population constituted approximately 30 percent of Radom's population. A religious community operated in the city. It oversaw various public institutions, such as the synagogue, cemetery, mikveh, and other buildings related to religious life. Due to their size, Jews also had representation on the city council. Over the years, charitable and social institutions were established in the city, including a Jewish hospital, a center for those needing support due to old age or disability, an orphanage, educational institutions, and a library. Social, cultural, artistic, and sporting life also flourished. Jewish press was published, including Radomer Cajtung, Radomer Leben, Radomer Sztyme, and Radomer Wochenblat . Between 1918 and 1939, a total of more than a dozen newspapers and magazines intended for Jewish readers were published in Radom for varying periods. Political parties and organizations of various orientations also had their branches.
The occupational structure of Radom's Jews was quite traditional, reminiscent of other towns: most earned their living in trade, crafts, and services. The more affluent owned industrial plants, including tanning, foundry, and printing houses, as well as banking institutions. Representatives of the intelligentsia and the liberal professions, such as lawyers, teachers, and doctors, also played an important role in the city's life. According to data from the late 30s, Radom had over 85 permanent residents. Another 5 were registered there for temporary residence. The local Jewish community numbered over 24,5 at that time.
On September 8, 1939, German troops entered Radom, marking the beginning of the city's occupation. From the very first days, it had a special significance for the Jewish community. German soldiers publicly humiliated Jews. Orthodox Jews had their beards and sidelocks cut off, were beaten, and, according to some sources, women were also subjected to sexual violence.
After the establishment of the General Government, the Jews of Radom were subjected to anti-Semitic legislation introduced by the Germans in the area. Their civil liberties, access to financial and property resources, and professional opportunities were restricted. They were banned from worship and running schools, and over time, they were required to wear armbands with the Star of David. As the months passed, their situation worsened. Maria Fridman, one of the survivors, recalled the early days of the occupation as follows: "an appeal to all citizens about forced labor appeared on the walls. It ended with an assurance that Jews and profiteers would be exterminated. […] Wehrmacht soldiers and officers also began looting shops, because the Nazis and SS were not yet here. […] They also entered banks and tore up bills of exchange. They raped the daughters of the Richtmans and Rosenbergs." Another survivor, Jerzy Krongold, added: "The Jewish population viewed the introduction of the symbol of shame [the armband with the Star of David] as the beginning of the Jewish tragedy. Systematic roundups for work began. Looting began. Furniture, clothes, quilts, and various jewelry were stolen. Jewish businesses were handed over to the so-called Treuhander, i.e., German, and sometimes Polish, commissioners."
At the occupier's behest, a Jewish Council was established in Radom. Over time, rumors spread in the city that a separate Jewish district would be established there. In 1940, Jews expelled from Kraków arrived in Radom. At the turn of 1940 and 1941, Jews expelled from northern Mazovia (from the so-called Ciechanów district) began arriving, resulting in a population increase. Refugees from Łódź, Warsaw, and various towns in the Lublin region also found their way to the city. Despite the fact that during the autumn campaign of 1939, approximately 2 Radom Jews took refuge in areas under Soviet occupation, and despite the German expulsions and the allocation of labor quotas to various locations for forced labor, it is estimated that in the spring of 1941, Radom had approximately 32 Jews. Jews.
The Radom ghetto was established on April 3, 1941. It consisted of two parts: a small ghetto in Glinice and a large one in the central part of the city. A regulation regarding two so-called closed residential districts was issued by Radom's starosta, Hans Kujath. The document stated: "The resettlement of Jews must be carried out no later than April 12, 1941. The allocation of apartments will be made through the Jewish Housing Office on Grodzka Street. Jews who have settled without my permission and have not received a blue identity card as a result must immediately leave the city of Radom." Jews and Poles living within the emerging ghetto were given just over a week to move. A population movement began, with some leaving the area, others moving in and bringing their remaining belongings. The ghetto – commonly referred to as the large ghetto – was located near the Old Town district. It included, among other things, The streets included: Szwarlikowska, Brudna, Żytnia, Limanowskiego, Zgodna, Plac Stare Miasto, Fredry, Przechodnia, Asnyka, Krakowska, Kanałowa, Bóżniczna, Wałowa, and Podwalna. A section known as the small ghetto was established in the Glinice district, between the streets of Graniczna, Błotna, Wrześniowskiego, Kośna, Kwiatkowskiego, Blata, Pusta, Placowa, Konopnicka, Niemcewicza, Inwalidów Wojennych, Złota, Kinowa, Prosta, Dąbrowskiego, and Lubońskiego. It is worth mentioning that Glinice was a neglected, poor district located on the outskirts of the city.
The aforementioned Jerzy Krongold remembered the conditions in the ghetto this way: "In 1941, two ghettos were established in Radom, on Wałowa Street and Glinica Street, in two parts of the city. Terrible overcrowding resulted. People lived 15 to a room. Typhus broke out. The Judenrat tried to persuade the authorities to allow the ghetto to expand, but it was to no avail. It must be admitted that the Council worked quite well during this period. Many matters were resolved with the Germans, such as allowing Jews to leave the ghetto, which was not surrounded by a wall like in Warsaw." Indeed, unlike ghettos in other large Polish cities, the Radom ghetto was not strictly fenced. In the large ghetto, the natural boundary was the dense development, with barbed wire fences erected in some places in Glinice. This does not mean that Jews could freely leave the area designated for the Jewish population. For leaving without permission, first financial penalties were foreseen, and later deportation to Auschwitz, and even the death penalty.
Several thousand people died in the ghetto from starvation or epidemics of diseases such as typhus. Another survivor, Mojsze Bojm, recalled: "Natural population growth was minimal, although initially there was no ban on childbearing. Weddings took place quite frequently before and during the ghetto's establishment. The reason for the initial decline in the Jewish population was disease, especially typhus, from which many Jews died."
In his post-war account of the Radom ghetto, Krongold referred both to the institutions established to supervise the Jews confined in the district, such as the Judenrat or the Jewish Social Self-Help officers, as well as to everyday life at the time: "Economic conditions in the ghetto were deteriorating more and more. There was no normal trade. Wages from the Germans were minimal, and even this money was taken by the Judenrat. Only craftsmen, smugglers, and various fixers earned money. The dregs of society became wealthy, but a huge part of the Jewish population lived in poverty, often selling their last shirt. A Jewish welfare committee, the Jewish Jewish Community Council, was established to help the poor Jewish masses. The Jewish Jewish Community Council organized work centers."
The liquidation operation in Radom began with the small ghetto. On the evening of August 4th, it was surrounded by German police and Polish police, the so-called Blue Police. The Germans, along with officers from Ukrainian auxiliary units, entered the ghetto, expelling Jews from their apartments and forcing them to gather in two designated areas. At least dozens of people, mostly elderly people and children, were shot. Selections were carried out at the assembly points. Approximately 800-1000 younger and physically stronger individuals were left in Radom to work in factories fulfilling German orders. Nearly 8 were led to the railway siding of the Bata shoe factory. Because SS and Police Leader for the Radom District, Herbert Böttcher, who personally supervised the operation, deemed the number designated for deportation too small, selections were also carried out in the large ghetto at dawn the next day. Approximately 2 people were included in a transport that departed for the Treblinka extermination camp.
The liquidation of the large ghetto took place two weeks after the prisoners of the small ghetto were sent to their deaths. It was directly supervised by SS-Hauptsturmführer Wilhelm Blum, Chief of Staff of the SS and Police Command for the Radom District. It was organized similarly to the liquidation of the small ghetto. Ghetto prisoners, aware of what had happened in Glinice, anticipated its arrival. Some, especially young people without families, attempted to escape. Hoping that those deemed useful by the Germans would avoid deportation, Jewish artisans attempted to organize workshops. Those employed at the Radom Arms Factory were housed in barracks to avoid accidental arrest during the "action." Maria Fridman described the mood in the ghetto between the two deportation operations as follows: "A dull anxiety tormented us, and rumors of impending extermination circulated with increasing persistence. The Jews believed that only work would save them, that if they were useful, the Germans would let them live. They established tailoring shops, saddlery workshops, leather goods workshops, etc. However, all these activities failed to produce the expected results. The Germans began further deportations.
On the evening of August 16, 1942, the large ghetto was surrounded by German gendarmerie. Selections were carried out on the nights of August 16-17 and 17-18. Those who attempted to hide were killed. Patients from the two existing hospitals in the ghetto (in addition to the general hospital, a small infectious diseases hospital was established there) and children from the ghetto orphanage were murdered on the spot. Approximately 200 elderly or disabled people were also shot. Three to four thousand people were left in the ghetto, forced laborers in industry or employed in clearing the area and burying bodies. The remaining approximately 20,000 were transported by freight train to the Treblinka extermination camp and murdered there.
Following the deportations, labor camps were established in Radom, eventually located on Szwarlikowska and Szkolna Streets. The former was liquidated in November 1943, but in January, approximately 1500 of its inmates were deported to Treblinka. During the camp's liquidation, some of its prisoners were murdered, while others were sent to other labor camps, including the one on Szkolna Street. The camp on Szkolna Street eventually became a branch of the Majdanek concentration camp. It operated until June 1944, when the Germans decided to evacuate it due to the approaching Eastern Front. The prisoners were then forced to march on foot to Tomaszów Mazowiecki. From there, they were sent to concentration camps – the men to Auschwitz, where some were sent directly to the gas chambers, and others to work in the arms industry deep within the Reich. The women were sent to Auschwitz or Ravensbrück.
It's difficult to estimate how many people managed to survive until the end of the war. Some Radom Jews survived under Soviet occupation, others survived until liberation in labor camps. The Central Committee of Polish Jews' June 1945 registers listed approximately 1000 Jews residing in Radom. Not all of them were prewar residents of the city. The vast majority soon decided to move to other parts of Poland or emigrate abroad.
Bibliography
- Sebastian Piątkowski, Days of Life, Days of Death: The Jewish Population in Radom, 1918–1950, Warszawa 2006.
- Sebastian Piątkowski, Jews in Radom, "Mówią Wieki" no. 3, 2008, pp. 46-51.
- Krzysztof Urbanski, The extermination of Jews in the Radom district, Krakow 2004.
- Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute, file no. 301/59, Mojsze Bojma's account, February 9, 1945.
- Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute, file no. 301/2161, account by Maria Fridman, 30/10/1946.
- Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute, file no. 301/57, report by Jerzy Krongold, 11/02/1945.
- Radom, [In:] The Encyclopedia of Jewish Life Before and During the Holocaust, ed. S. Spector, G. Wigoder, vol. 2, New York 2001, pp. , pp. 1045-1047.
- Radom, [in:] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of camps and ghettos 1933–1945, vol. II Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe, Editor Martin Dean, 2012, pp. 289-292.
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- Radom – the history of the community, [In:] https://sztetl.org.pl/pl/miejscowosci/r/601-radom/99-historia-spolecznosci/137920-historia-spolecznosci
Dr. Martyna Grądzka-Rejak, Dr. Mariusz Jastrząb